Reviewed by ASIF ANWAR
ALIG
The
Saffron Tide: The Rise of the BJP, by Kingshuk Nag, Rainlight Rupa Publications
India Private Ltd., New Delhi – 110002, Year2014, 247pp.
Indian Rupees500, Hard.
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minent journalist Kingshuk Nag precisely explains the
journey of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
from its inception Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) in 1951 to a revived
party’s 2014 unanticipated win in the Lok Sabha elections. The Saffron
Tide: The Rise of the BJP expounds party’s meteoric rise in mere few decades after the strategic Ramjanabhoomi campaign to Babri Masjid
demolition on December 06, 1992. BJP’s emergence as a biggest party in general elections,
Nag ingeniously illustrates, brought India’s intriguing phase of political chauvinism.
With the purpose to retain Hindu pride, BJS aspired
for a firm grip into country’s politics in the 1960s though it literally failed
to leave any impact for several decades. The author argues that at a point country’s
biggest party Indian National Congress (INC) was more ‘Hindu-oriented’ than its
present counterpart BJP whose power hunger aspirations vacillated secularism to
loose stimulus the moment three-time chief minister of
Gujarat, Narendra Modi was elected country’s
prime minister. Such transition overtly demeaned India’s secular credentials.
This book lucidly describes the advent
of a rightwing political collocation. As India’s
political biography, book’s epilogue talks about the coterie of small
Hindu ideological group rising to its big fortunes to rule the nation. The end
of INC monopoly or shillyshallying other regional parties had become unpredictable
political transition that India witnessed in recent past. Nag questions the soft-Hindutva
stance of INC which brought its doom over the period. Such scenario occurred
because of its lack of willpower to handle issues of national interest. That pessimism
paved the way for country’s Hindutva forces to emerge and to come into
limelight.
Syama Prasad Mookerjee’s BJS arose into an alternate
political force in the form of renamed BJP after 1980s. By adopting Gandhian socialism
and kesari (saffron) flag, BJS had the record of winning four parliamentary
seats in 1957 out of which one was won by Atal Bihari Vajpayee. It was his
debut entry into parliament. He became country’s prime minister some four
decades later.
Embers of early controversies flared in 1960s once BJS
leader Balraj Madhok stressed “Muslim Indianisation or non-Hindus compelled to adopt
Hindu way of life indubitably.” It was tenacious demand for the temple of
nativity—“Ram in Ayodhya, Krishna at Mathura, Shiva in Kashi and Viswanath in
Varansi sites for Hindus like the Kaaba and Bethlehem for Muslims and the Christians.”
On 29 August 1964, Keshavram Kashiram Shashtri formed Vishwa Hindu Parishad
(VHP) for Hindu consolidation but it didn’t influence BJS. Two and half decades
later it proved a milestone for Ram Janmabhoomi movement’s preemptive surge
and thus BJP abridging nation’s secular spirits. 
Mughal King, Babur built Babri Masjid in 1528.
Hindus claimed that it was erected by razing an ancient temple. Several centuries
later in 1949, few local Hindus stealthily kept a Ram idol inside this mosque. It
was shut down by a court order without taking out the idol. In a bizarre
decision of its kind, local court appointed a priest to continue offering puja
(worship) inside this mosque.
Decades later in 1980s, LK Advani provoked the matter
further to make this site a Hindu–Muslim hauteur. Mahabharat and Ramayana
epics telecast on the newly arrived television sets in Indian homes played
pivotal role to revive Hinduism. Nag writes how Babri Masjid demolition shattered
India’s secularism. He narrates the incidence of attackers using iron rods,
pickaxes, shovels and crowbars to dig mosque base to fasten its collapse. Once razed,
Ram Lulla (Baby Ram) idol was kept inside. Ironically Congress’s Narasimha
Rao government remained a passive spectator.
The
burning of Sabarmati Express train
at Gujarat’s Godhra station a decade
later on 27 February 2002 took 59 lives and it spread the communal anguish
once again. Ghastly incidences followed with the brutal killing of more than
1000 Gujarati Muslims. State and central governments then received global denunciation.
The then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee reminded then state’s chief
minister Narendra Modi that “leaders must follow Rajdharma (Ruler’s
Duty) without prejudice.” Ironically he received Modi’s sarcastic reply—“that
was what he doing.”
BJP’s economic policies failed to create any charisma
in 2004 and 2008 elections held under LK Advani’s leadership. His party faced the
humiliating defeat. Counting country’s political scene, Nag stresses how opposition
Janata Party coalition’s annihilation in 1980s revived BJP once Jana Sangh
background leaders were sidetracked. Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s emergence of revived
party’s founder president to LK Advani’s appointment of General Secretary was
retaliatory step and the birth of an entirely new political force in India that
seeded the roots of communal politics. 
Excruciatingly obliterated with worst defeats in the
elections BJP roped in LK Advani to overhaul it over the period. He launched a yatra
(journey) from Somnath (Gujarat) to Ayodhya (UP) with an aim to consolidate country’s
Hindus. Nag brings India’s political inertia of 1980s and 1990s in
this book. Vajpayee’s nomination for prime minister in 1995 to BJP’s maiden government’s
fall within 13 days to the emergence of Third Front paved the way for United
Front Government under H.D Deva Gowda (01 June 1996 - 21 April 1997) and under I.K
Gujaral (21st April 1997 - 09 March 1998) were some of the notable political
uncertainties India faced during that period. 
Such
situations pushed India for fresh polls in which BJP gained and Vajpayee become
prime minister on 19 March 1998 to run the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition.
Vajpayee’s Delhi Metro Rail and Golden Quadrilateral Project to link country’s metropolitan
cities through the National Highways have been lauded ever and again. He though
faced embarrassment once while then BJP president, Bangaru Laxman was caught on
camera in a sting operation that had exposed him taking bribe. Coffingate
Scandal exposed his defense ministry paying inflated rates to buy the war dead
soldiers’ coffins. Such scandals damaged his government’s credibility.
Nag
reveals why Advani proposed Vajpayee’s name for prime minister. As an accused in
1991 Jain Hawala Scandal that alleged him receiving heavy sum he was barred to hold
the PM post. His fancy of becoming prime minister was agreed upon by BJP in
2009 with his nomination. His ‘India signing’ and ‘feel good factor’ slogans failed
and BJP had to face its humiliating defeat.
The
author showcases BJP’s exasperation from Advani’s ‘visit to Jinnah’s mausoleum
in Karachi and considering later one of the rare individuals in the
subcontinent. Advani’s espousing for a secular Pakistan proved catastrophic for
him.’ Such thoughts of him were considered blunder by party’s ideological Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) which was so much enraged that it took a decision to vehemently
corner Advani for such ‘unbearable insensible’ remarks.
This
book meticulously examines Narendra Modi’s taller than BJP posture in the present
context. His selection as ‘Chief of the Campaign Committee’ and prime
ministerial candidate in 2013 upset Advani
and several other senior leaders of the party. Bemoaned Advani finally resigned
from all party posts in the reactionary step.
This review article was first published in the Ceylon Today, Colombo on January 15, 2017.
http://www.ceylontoday.lk/print20170101CT20170331.php?id=13101
https://seocontentindia.com/
