One Life is Not Enough: An
Autobiography, by K. Natwar Singh, Rupa Publications India Pvt., Ltd., New
Delhi – 110002, Year2014, 410pp, Indian Rupees500, Hard.
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is foremost replication of arrogance. K. Natwar Singh begins his autobiography One
Life is Not Enough with narrating his loyalties to Nehru—Gandhi family. From
an admirer of Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru since childhood to his faithfulness to Indira
Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi until his betrayal to “the family” and bear the brunt of
expulsion from the Congress Party, this book incessantly covers transforming discourse
of Indian polity.
With
documenting conceits, betrayals and confessions, this book narrates autobiographer’s
rise and rise until facing the nadir at the peak of his career in politics. From
Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru’s era to the current stage it is a treatise on Indian polity.
More of history and less of histrionics, it recaps his achievements from being selected
one educated in reputed institutions to longest diplomatic career and political
forays due to loyalty to the first family until his impromptu perfidy.
Narrating
the confrontations and confessions K. Natwar Singh doesn’t regret his betrayal.
He audaciously justifies his leanings towards Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in book’s
conclusion. Besides postulating confessions after expulsion from Congress Party
he talks of diplomatic postings to other ‘regrets of life’ which turned him notorious
in country’s power corridors.
This
potentially engaging book digresses to speak the convoluted realities on Indian
polity. Encompassing from Nehru until recent past, it is finest work of history
from one of the former diplomats loyal to a powerful family and a politician who
still believes that his seclusion is a situational irony. This book credulously
projects that political diaspora by summing country’s policies on national and foreign
affairs which changed multiple contexts and consequences.
The
memoire has cursory information about Singh’s his birthplace in erstwhile
princely state of Bharatpur where he was born on 16 May, 1931. That was a period
for this region’s struggle to turn into a city in Rajasthan. Admiring Indian freedom
fighters, he found it a breakthrough to walk to the Red Fort in Delhi on the
eve of 15 August 1948 to hear Jawaharlal Nehru addressing the nation. He expresses
euphoria of first remarkable achievement of listening to the radio announcer reading
out names of successful IAS & IFS candidates including his—a first from Rajasthan
to crack that.
His
meeting with Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru in 14 April 1953 was a moral boosting
experience for him. Nehru’s gesture to see him off at the door was extraordinary.
That influencing gesture showcased good mannerism and magnanimous grace of a statesman
of global stature.
K.
Natwar Singh considered his friendship with writer EM Foster in the Tagore
Society at the Cambridge a highly fruitful one. Foster was cult figure at the King’s
College where his place had transformed into a literary pilgrimage center for the
youngsters including several Indians. He could perhaps not meet eminent writers
Ahmed Ali, R.K Narayan, Raja Rao, Narayana Menon, Mulk Raj Anand and Santha Rama
Rau without befriending Foster. Towering contributions of all those writers are
of paramount value today.
He
found Nirad Chaudhuri voluble but believed that none could match the celebrated
writer in India because of his unique idiosyncrasies. His erudition and
scholarship was unequal and he remained a walking-talking encyclopedia indeed. His
Autobiography of an Unknown Indian is still an ultimate work by an
Indian in the 20th century. Though that book earned him global fame
he lived miserable life until Oxford University bestowed him honorary degree in
later years. Oxford University became his home till death in 1999 at age
hundred and one.
Upon
joining Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in September 1954, K. Natwar Singh often
met globally recognized leaders and statesmen. His meetings with Chinese
cultural delegation and the then King Saud bin Abdulaziz Al Saud of Saudi
Arabia’s one on one with India’s Maulana Abul Kalam Azad remained rarest. Azad
spoke Arabic fluently thus their talks were potential enough for mutual admirations.
State
visit of King of Cambodia, Norodom Sihanouk with an entourage consisting of five
Buddhist monks to India in March 1955 was unique experience. To make the accompanying
Buddhist monks feel comfortable he was advised to prepare five Indian Buddhist
monks to welcome King’s team. Both groups spoke Pali language. Indian monks queried
from the Cambodian counterparts for food preferences. To their utter surprise
they insisted on eating beef. He literally witnessed Indian monks collapsing in
retribution.
His
working closely with Mao Zedong, Mao Tse-tung or commonly Chairman Mao’s China was
momentous. Sharing about his stays at United Nations to African journeys as a diplomat
he is critically vocal of colonial powers. He assessed that even petty White traders
would live like royals in the African nations. He was aghast seeing Whites
torturing Blacks in their own homes. British justified hypocrite oppression policies
for Fiji, Mauritius, Trinidad & Tobago and Rhodesia until 1962. He raises
question why British lectured the Third World countries on human rights while
they actually practiced that.
A
knowledge pool on global politics and social resurgences, this book covers noteworthy
scenes in the context of author’s diplomatic career. It has expert assessment
of biggest event of March 1968 while Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated at
Memphis, Tennessee. It marked the closure of a vivacious chapter of civil
rights movement in the American soil as the darkest phase of country’s history.
What
transformed Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi and Winston Churchill to
turn into global leaders? Modern India couldn’t be dreamed without Nehru’s vision.
Foundation of democratic, secular, non-aligned foreign policy with pluralistic and
inclusive nation-state of India wasn’t possible without his visionary leadership.
Succeeding prime ministers followed him to strengthen foundations laid by
independent India’s first prime minister.
K.
Natwar Singh prognosticates Nehru attained status of a global leader as a peacemaker.
His wisdom and vision earned him global respect except three major blunders—disastrous
handling of Kashmir issue; misplaced trust of Chinese leaders and turning down the
Soviet proposal to give India a permanent seat in the United Nations Security
Council. His steps to discuss domestic Kashmir issue in the United Nations on global
platform proved catastrophic.
Nehru
was an idealist leader but failed to measure hard-headed pragmatism of Mao Tse Tung,
Chou En-lai and rest Chinese leaders which thus affected Chines policies for India.
Chinese Army occupying Tibet in 1951 was its aftereffect. Nehru visited China
in October 1954 but it hardly yielded any fruitful result. Indo-Soviet
cooperation was visible since 1920 itself. Lenin was aware of India’s struggle
for independence as early as 1923. Nehru’s visit to Soviet Union in 1927 during
10th anniversary of Russian Revolution further accelerated that trust.
K.
Natwar Singh worked with Prime Ministers Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi
and Rajiv Gandhi. He found in Indira Gandhi great leader with solemn
disciplinarian attributes. Graceful, engaging and caring humanist with an endowed
charm her impressive personality could be assessed through her earnest admiration
of artists, authors, poets and painters.
She
was first Indian Prime Minister to visit South America in 1968. Her avoidance
of public condemnation of Soviet violating sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Czechoslovakia in June 1968 while conveying her discomfiture through
diplomatic channels to put Indian pressure was a breakthrough. Such gesture benefitted
India during Bangladesh crisis. In quid pro quo, Soviet supported through ascertaining
China couldn’t intervene for Pakistan.
While
K. Natwar Singh assumed charge in Warsaw as Indian ambassador to Poland on 25
March 1971, Pakistan’s armed forces commenced brutal suppression of East
Pakistan—soon to become Bangladesh. Horrific events made news there and so did Polish
government adopt its cautious stance.
He
describes an important phase of Indian history—imposition of Emergency on 26
June 1975 to withstand brutal assault on democracy. Undoubtedly, Indira Gandhi was
a powerful, dynamic and charismatic leader of global stature. Her reputation took
an upward trajectory after 1971 war with Pakistan but remained short-lived euphoria
due to economic and political erraticism thereafter. Lok Satta Movement of Jayaprakash
Narayan exhorted citizens in 1974 to non-violently transform India with the mass
appeal. Emergency’s damaging effects even after four decades remained barbaric memories.
People remember that turbulent period of trepidations witnessed during its imposition
that became an undying indent on her reputation.
His
years in Zambia as India’s High Commissioner to African country were the period
while Morarji Desai sworn in as Prime Minister on March 24, 1977 to continue until
July 28, 1979. He proclaims that Desai hardly knew anything about Africa, South
Africa, Southern Rhodesia and Namibia. African leaders looked at India with
great esteem and sense of respect for Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and
Indira Gandhi but Desai failed to retain that.
Indira
Gandhi became Prime Minister on 24 January 1980 once again. K. Natwar Singh was
made High Commissioner to Pakistan while Indo-Pak relations had pragmatically messed
up. Islamabad was difficult posting for Indian diplomats as if living in a fish
bowl, he observed. Interestingly though Pakistani diplomats in New Delhi enjoyed
it because they didn’t feel that isolation like their counterparts in Islamabad.
K.
Natwar Singh stayed in Warsaw, London and Lusaka before joining Islamabad. Besides
being High Commissioners to many nations his roles at home as Chief Coordinator
of the CHOGM-1983 to run summit to bring forty-five Heads of State, including
Queen Elizabeth, to New Delhi was momentous yet challenging task. Successfully
organizing two huge back-to-back summits in 1983 earned for him national
profile—unusual achievement of a diplomat.
This
autobiography digresses to explain rest historic blunders—Indira Gandhi’s steps
to flush out Khalistani terrorists from the holy shrine of Sikhs—Golden Temple in
Amritsar on 6 June 1984. It proved historic error India failed to resist. Its outrage
was fierce amongst Sikhs. The then President Giani Zail Singh was put in an awkward
situation due to his identity of a Sikh being forced to consider army action to
desecrate his own community’s holy place. Indira Gandhi’s assassination on 31
October 1984 was its adverse aftereffect.
While
Indira Gandhi was assassinated she had already become globally respected outstanding
leader and statesman of her period. Fidel Castro, Margret Thatcher, J.R Jayewardene,
Zia-ul Haq and Kenneth Kaunda and other Heads of State & Government
attended her funeral including Deputy Prime Minister of USSR, Prime Minister of
Iran, President of Syria and the American Vice President amongst others.
India’s
political scene changed dramatically after Indira Gandhi’s death. Congress Party
won with unexpected majority in December 1984 Lok Sabha elections. Results were
beyond the imagination of even optimistic Congressmen by winning 413 out of 543
seats as outstanding achievement. Rajiv Gandhi achieved political stand which his
grandfather or mother couldn’t.
K.
Natwar Singh describes the visionary steps of Rajiv Gandhi in Indo-Soviet
relations context and mentions an event in November 1986 SAARC Summit in
Bangalore.
Rajiv
Gandhi and then Sri Lankan president J.R Jayewardene were most sought after leaders
there. Explaining episodes of Rajiv Gandhi’s mishandling Sri Lankan conflict of
LTTE for jigsaw with Lankan authorities to mess with rebel forces that finally
cost in the form of his assassination on May 21, 1991 at Sriperumbudur in Tamil
Nadu at an age of 46, he candidly denounces India’s mishandling of Sri Lankan ethnic
issues since beginning.
Besides
counting major and minor achievements as diplomat especially breakthroughs in the
Sino-Indian relations by making it possible for him to remain part of Rajiv
Gandhi entourage on December 18, 1988 to China, he encores how the Rajiv Gandhi
failed on many occasions. He is vocal to voice such failures in handling Sri
Lankan conflict; Shah Bano case; Bofors Defense deal; Babri Masjid-Ram
Janmabhoomi issue and failures in governance front. Singh was bound to face the
ire from Congress Party due to his verboseness.
K.
Natwar Singh had begun to speak the language of a rebel even before this autobiography
arrived. Congress Party could not bear such unfathomable revolt from a person having
been groomed into an acclaimed politician. Praises of Rajiv Gandhi in this book
about latter being natural, charming but least pompous personality with great
sense of humor didn’t counter the damages already made.
This
autobiography cursorily brings the details of Rajiv Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi’s marriage
to latter’s entry into politics. His ornate explanation of phases of Sonia
Gandhi’s life—a period of marital bliss to wife of a Prime Minister; seclusion period
from 1991 to 1998 post husband’s assassination and emergence of an active
politician beginning 14 March 1998 to formal takeover of the reins of Congress Party
as President are vociferous descriptions.
This
book digresses to pronounce the facts related to his life that merit as confessions.
His arrogance to distancing from Congress Party in the wake of Volcker Conspiracy
brought bad omen for him. He was Minister of External Affairs from 22 May 2004
– 6 December 2005. On February 26, 2008, he was forced to resign from Congress
Party and relinquish his Rajya Sabha membership.
Octogenarian
K. Natwar Singh propped towards the current ruling party Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) after his expulsion from Congress Party. He confesses that although his son
Jagat Singh is a BJP Member of Legislative Assembly from Rajasthan he doesn’t
seek any favor.
This autobiography concludes through developing an impression
in readers’ minds to peep into the life of this autobiographer—from successes to
upheavals, arrogance and doom. They put him into seclusion without power,
political antithesis and sustenance.
This review article was first published in Mosaic Ceylon Today on February 05, 2017.
http://www.ceylontoday.lk/print20170101CT20170331.php?id=14575
ooks on the aftermath
of Sachar Committee scenario analysis are published every day. Only selected ones
though raise multifarious dimensions of Muslim plights. The book Indian
Muslims: From Sachar to Make in India by Mohammad Allam can be seen in a prism
of a naïve attempt from an author’s point of view but it is seminal research
work on this crucial theme. 
The then Manmohan
Singh government had constituted a committee to prepare an exclusive fact based
report on the social, economic and educational condition of Muslims in India through
keen assessment of their conditions. This book justifies with facts and
comparative data post report submission in a time span of one decade and thus alarmingly
shows their grim situation that has hardly changed. 
This comprehensive
study also highlights current living standard, education in general to technical
education level in particular in Muslims community in the context of
post-Sachar evaluation committee. Other factors that have been highlighted in
the book include financial credits & Muslims; infrastructure &
governance in Muslim centric districts; possible role of Muslims in Make in
India plan to Muslims as producers/industrialists and their dominance in the business
sector. 
